blogman on July 12th, 2009
Text of Obama’s speech in Ghana

Text of President Barack Obama’s speech Saturday in Accra, Ghana, as provided by the White House:

OBAMA: Good afternoon, everybody. It is a great honor for me to be in Accra and to speak to the representatives of the people of Ghana. I am deeply grateful for the welcome that I’ve received, as are Michelle and Malia and Sasha Obama. Ghana’s history is rich, the ties between our two countries are strong, and I am proud that this is my first visit to sub-Saharan Africa as president of the United States of America.

I want to thank Madam Speaker and all the members of the House of Representatives for hosting us today. I want to thank President Mills for his outstanding leadership. To the former presidents — Jerry Rawlings, former President Kufuor — vice president, chief justice — thanks to all of you for your extraordinary hospitality and the wonderful institutions that you’ve built here in Ghana.

I’m speaking to you at the end of a long trip. I began in Russia for a summit between two great powers. I traveled to Italy for a meeting of the world’s leading economies. And I’ve come here to Ghana for a simple reason: The 21st century will be shaped by what happens not just in Rome or Moscow or Washington, but by what happens in Accra, as well.

This is the simple truth of a time when the boundaries between people are overwhelmed by our connections. Your prosperity can expand America’s prosperity. Your health and security can contribute to the world’s health and security. And the strength of your democracy can help advance human rights for people everywhere.

So I do not see the countries and peoples of Africa as a world apart; I see Africa as a fundamental part of our interconnected world … as partners with America on behalf of the future we want for all of our children. That partnership must be grounded in mutual responsibility and mutual respect. And that is what I want to speak with you about today.

We must start from the simple premise that Africa’s future is up to Africans.

I say this knowing full well the tragic past that has sometimes haunted this part of the world. After all, I have the blood of Africa within me, and my family’s … my family’s own story encompasses both the tragedies and triumphs of the larger African story.

Some you know my grandfather was a cook for the British in Kenya, and though he was a respected elder in his village, his employers called him “boy” for much of his life. He was on the periphery of Kenya’s liberation struggles, but he was still imprisoned briefly during repressive times. In his life, colonialism wasn’t simply the creation of unnatural borders or unfair terms of trade — it was something experienced personally, day after day, year after year.

My father grew up herding goats in a tiny village, an impossible distance away from the American universities where he would come to get an education. He came of age at a moment of extraordinary promise for Africa. The struggles of his own father’s generation were giving birth to new nations, beginning right here in Ghana. Africans were educating and asserting themselves in new ways, and history was on the move.

But despite the progress that has been made — and there has been considerable progress in many parts of Africa — we also know that much of that promise has yet to be fulfilled. Countries like Kenya had a per capita economy larger than South Korea’s when I was born. They have badly been outpaced. Disease and conflict have ravaged parts of the African continent.

In many places, the hope of my father’s generation gave way to cynicism, even despair. Now, it’s easy to point fingers and to pin the blame of these problems on others. Yes, a colonial map that made little sense helped to breed conflict. The West has often approached Africa as a patron or a source of resources rather than a partner. But the West is not responsible for the destruction of the Zimbabwean economy over the last decade, or wars in which children are enlisted as combatants. In my father’s life, it was partly tribalism and patronage and nepotism in an independent Kenya that for a long stretch derailed his career, and we know that this kind of corruption is still a daily fact of life for far too many.

Now, we know that’s also not the whole story. Here in Ghana, you show us a face of Africa that is too often overlooked by a world that sees only tragedy or a need for charity. The people of Ghana have worked hard to put democracy on a firmer footing, with repeated peaceful transfers of power even in the wake of closely contested elections. And by the way, can I say that for that the minority deserves as much credit as the majority. And with improved governance and an emerging civil society, Ghana’s economy has shown impressive rates of growth.

This progress may lack the drama of 20th century liberation struggles, but make no mistake: It will ultimately be more significant. For just as it is important to emerge from the control of other nations, it is even more important to build one’s own nation.

So I believe that this moment is just as promising for Ghana and for Africa as the moment when my father came of age and new nations were being born. This is a new moment of great promise. Only this time, we’ve learned that it will not be giants like Nkrumah and Kenyatta who will determine Africa’s future. Instead, it will be you — the men and women in Ghana’s parliament — the people you represent. It will be the young people brimming with talent and energy and hope who can claim the future that so many in previous generations never realized.

Now, to realize that promise, we must first recognize the fundamental truth that you have given life to in Ghana: Development depends on good governance. That is the ingredient which has been missing in far too many places, for far too long. That’s the change that can unlock Africa’s potential. And that is a responsibility that can only be met by Africans.

As for America and the West, our commitment must be measured by more than just the dollars we spend. I’ve pledged substantial increases in our foreign assistance, which is in Africa’s interests and America’s interests. But the true sign of success is not whether we are a source of perpetual aid that helps people scrape by — it’s whether we are partners in building the capacity for transformational change.

This mutual responsibility must be the foundation of our partnership. And today, I’ll focus on four areas that are critical to the future of Africa and the entire developing world: democracy, opportunity, health, and the peaceful resolution of conflict.

First, we must support strong and sustainable democratic governments.

As I said in Cairo, each nation gives life to democracy in its own way, and in line with its own traditions. But history offers a clear verdict: Governments that respect the will of their own people, that govern by consent and not coercion, are more prosperous, they are more stable and more successful than governments that do not.

This is about more than just holding elections. It’s also about what happens between elections. Repression can take many forms, and too many nations, even those that have elections, are plagued by problems that condemn their people to poverty. No country is going to create wealth if its leaders exploit the economy to enrich themselves … or if police — if police can be bought off by drug traffickers. No business wants to invest in a place where the government skims 20 percent off the top … or the head of the port authority is corrupt. No person wants to live in a society where the rule of law gives way to the rule of brutality and bribery. That is not democracy, that is tyranny, even if occasionally you sprinkle an election in there. And now is the time for that style of governance to end.

In the 21st century, capable, reliable and transparent institutions are the key to success — strong parliaments; honest police forces; independent judges … an independent press; a vibrant private sector; a civil society. Those are the things that give life to democracy, because that is what matters in people’s everyday lives.

Now, time and again, Ghanaians have chosen constitutional rule over autocracy and shown a democratic spirit that allows the energy of your people to break through. We see that in leaders who accept defeat graciously — the fact that President Mills’ opponents were standing beside him last night to greet me when I came off the plane spoke volumes about Ghana; victors who resist calls to wield power against the opposition in unfair ways. We see that spirit in courageous journalists like Anas Aremeyaw Anas, who risked his life to report the truth. We see it in police like Patience Quaye, who helped prosecute the first human trafficker in Ghana. We see it in the young people who are speaking up against patronage and participating in the political process.

Across Africa, we’ve seen countless examples of people taking control of their destiny and making change from the bottom up. We saw it in Kenya, where civil society and business came together to help stop postelection violence. We saw it in South Africa, where over three-quarters of the country voted in the recent election — the fourth since the end of apartheid. We saw it in Zimbabwe, where the Election Support Network braved brutal repression to stand up for the principle that a person’s vote is their sacred right.

Now, make no mistake: History is on the side of these brave Africans, not with those who use coups or change constitutions to stay in power. Africa doesn’t need strongmen, it needs strong institutions.

Now, America will not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation. The essential truth of democracy is that each nation determines its own destiny. But what America will do is increase assistance for responsible individuals and responsible institutions, with a focus on supporting good governance — on parliaments, which check abuses of power and ensure that opposition voices are heard … on the rule of law, which ensures the equal administration of justice; on civic participation, so that young people get involved; and on concrete solutions to corruption like forensic accounting and automating services … strengthening hot lines, protecting whistle-blowers to advance transparency and accountability.

And we provide this support. I have directed my administration to give greater attention to corruption in our human rights reports. People everywhere should have the right to start a business or get an education without paying a bribe. We have a responsibility to support those who act responsibly and to isolate those who don’t, and that is exactly what America will do.

Now, this leads directly to our second area of partnership: supporting development that provides opportunity for more people.

With better governance, I have no doubt that Africa holds the promise of a broader base of prosperity. Witness the extraordinary success of Africans in my country, America. They’re doing very well. So they’ve got the talent, they’ve got the entrepreneurial spirit. The question is, how do we make sure that they’re succeeding here in their home countries? The continent is rich in natural resources. And from cell phone entrepreneurs to small farmers, Africans have shown the capacity and commitment to create their own opportunities. But old habits must also be broken. Dependence on commodities — or a single export — has a tendency to concentrate wealth in the hands of the few and leaves people too vulnerable to downturns.

So in Ghana, for instance, oil brings great opportunities, and you have been very responsible in preparing for new revenue. But as so many Ghanaians know, oil cannot simply become the new cocoa. From South Korea to Singapore, history shows that countries thrive when they invest in their people and in their infrastructure … when they promote multiple export industries, develop a skilled work force and create space for small and medium-sized businesses that create jobs.

As Africans reach for this promise, America will be more responsible in extending our hand. By cutting costs that go to Western consultants and administration, we want to put more resources in the hands of those who need it, while training people to do more for themselves. That’s why our $3.5 billion food security initiative is focused on new methods and technologies for farmers — not simply sending American producers or goods to Africa. Aid is not an end in itself. The purpose of foreign assistance must be creating the conditions where it’s no longer needed. I want to see Ghanaians not only self-sufficient in food, I want to see you exporting food to other countries and earning money. You can do that.

Now, America can also do more to promote trade and investment. Wealthy nations must open our doors to goods and services from Africa in a meaningful way. That will be a commitment of my administration. And where there is good governance, we can broaden prosperity through public-private partnerships that invest in better roads and electricity; capacity-building that trains people to grow a business; financial services that reach not just the cities but also the poor and rural areas. This is also in our own interests — for if people are lifted out of poverty and wealth is created in Africa, guess what? New markets will open up for our own goods. So it’s good for both.

One area that holds out both undeniable peril and extraordinary promise is energy. Africa gives off less greenhouse gas than any other part of the world, but it is the most threatened by climate change. A warming planet will spread disease, shrink water resources and deplete crops, creating conditions that produce more famine and more conflict. All of us — particularly the developed world — have a responsibility to slow these trends — through mitigation, and by changing the way that we use energy. But we can also work with Africans to turn this crisis into opportunity.

Together, we can partner on behalf of our planet and prosperity and help countries increase access to power while skipping — leapfrogging the dirtier phase of development. Think about it: Across Africa, there is bountiful wind and solar power; geothermal energy and biofuels. From the Rift Valley to the North African deserts; from the Western coasts to South Africa’s crops — Africa’s boundless natural gifts can generate its own power, while exporting profitable, clean energy abroad.

These steps are about more than growth numbers on a balance sheet. They’re about whether a young person with an education can get a job that supports a family; a farmer can transfer their goods to market; an entrepreneur with a good idea can start a business. It’s about the dignity of work; it’s about the opportunity that must exist for Africans in the 21st century.

Just as governance is vital to opportunity, it’s also critical to the third area I want to talk about: strengthening public health.

In recent years, enormous progress has been made in parts of Africa. Far more people are living productively with HIV/AIDS, and getting the drugs they need. I just saw a wonderful clinic and hospital that is focused particularly on maternal health. But too many still die from diseases that shouldn’t kill them. When children are being killed because of a mosquito bite, and mothers are dying in childbirth, then we know that more progress must be made.

Yet because of incentives — often provided by donor nations — many African doctors and nurses go overseas, or work for programs that focus on a single disease. And this creates gaps in primary care and basic prevention. Meanwhile, individual Africans also have to make responsible choices that prevent the spread of disease, while promoting public health in their communities and countries.

So across Africa, we see examples of people tackling these problems. In Nigeria, an interfaith effort of Christians and Muslims has set an example of cooperation to confront malaria. Here in Ghana and across Africa, we see innovative ideas for filling gaps in care — for instance, through E-Health initiatives that allow doctors in big cities to support those in small towns.

America will support these efforts through a comprehensive, global health strategy, because in the 21st century, we are called to act by our conscience but also by our common interest, because when a child dies of a preventable disease in Accra, that diminishes us everywhere. And when disease goes unchecked in any corner of the world, we know that it can spread across oceans and continents.

And that’s why my administration has committed $63 billion to meet these challenges — $63 billion. Building on the strong efforts of President Bush, we will carry forward the fight against HIV/AIDS. We will pursue the goal of ending deaths from malaria and tuberculosis, and we will work to eradicate polio. We will fight — we will fight neglected tropical disease. And we won’t confront illnesses in isolation — we will invest in public health systems that promote wellness and focus on the health of mothers and children.

Now, as we partner on behalf of a healthier future, we must also stop the destruction that comes not from illness, but from human beings — and so the final area that I will address is conflict.

Let me be clear: Africa is not the crude caricature of a continent at perpetual war. But if we are honest, for far too many Africans, conflict is a part of life, as constant as the sun. There are wars over land and wars over resources. And it is still far too easy for those without conscience to manipulate whole communities into fighting among faiths and tribes.

These conflicts are a millstone around Africa’s neck. Now, we all have many identities — of tribe and ethnicity; of religion and nationality. But defining oneself in opposition to someone who belongs to a different tribe or who worships a different prophet has no place in the 21st century. Africa’s diversity should be a source of strength, not a cause for division. We are all God’s children. We all share common aspirations — to live in peace and security; to access education and opportunity; to love our families and our communities and our faith. That is our common humanity.

That is why we must stand up to inhumanity in our midst. It is never justified, never justifiable to target innocents in the name of ideology. It is the death sentence of a society to force children to kill in wars. It is the ultimate mark of criminality and cowardice to condemn women to relentless and systemic rape. We must bear witness to the value of every child in Darfur and the dignity of every woman in the Congo. No faith or culture should condone the outrages against them. And all of us must strive for the peace and security necessary for progress.

Africans are standing up for this future. Here, too, in Ghana we are seeing you help point the way forward. Ghanaians should take pride in your contributions to peacekeeping from Congo to Liberia to Lebanon … and your efforts to resist the scourge of the drug trade. We welcome the steps that are being taken by organizations like the African Union and ECOWAS to better resolve conflicts, to keep the peace and support those in need. And we encourage the vision of a strong, regional security architecture that can bring effective, transnational forces to bear when needed.

America has a responsibility to work with you as a partner to advance this vision, not just with words, but with support that strengthens African capacity. When there’s a genocide in Darfur or terrorists in Somalia, these are not simply African problems — they are global security challenges, and they demand a global response.

And that’s why we stand ready to partner through diplomacy and technical assistance and logistical support, and we will stand behind efforts to hold war criminals accountable. And let me be clear: Our Africa Command is focused not on establishing a foothold in the continent, but on confronting these common challenges to advance the security of America, Africa and the world.

In Moscow, I spoke of the need for an international system where the universal rights of human beings are respected, and violations of those rights are opposed. And that must include a commitment to support those who resolve conflicts peacefully, to sanction and stop those who don’t, and to help those who have suffered. But ultimately, it will be vibrant democracies like Botswana and Ghana which roll back the causes of conflict and advance the frontiers of peace and prosperity.

As I said earlier, Africa’s future is up to Africans.

The people of Africa are ready to claim that future. And in my country, African Americans — including so many recent immigrants — have thrived in every sector of society. We’ve done so despite a difficult past, and we’ve drawn strength from our African heritage. With strong institutions and a strong will, I know that Africans can live their dreams in Nairobi and Lagos, Kigali, Kinshasa, Harare, and right here in Accra.

You know, 52 years ago, the eyes of the world were on Ghana. And a young preacher named Martin Luther King traveled here, to Accra, to watch the Union Jack come down and the Ghanaian flag go up. This was before the march on Washington or the success of the civil rights movement in my country. Dr. King was asked how he felt while watching the birth of a nation. And he said: “It renews my conviction in the ultimate triumph of justice.”

Now that triumph must be won once more, and it must be won by you. And I am particularly speaking to the young people all across Africa and right here in Ghana. In places like Ghana, young people make up over half of the population.

And here is what you must know: The world will be what you make of it. You have the power to hold your leaders accountable, and to build institutions that serve the people. You can serve in your communities and harness your energy and education to create new wealth and build new connections to the world. You can conquer disease and end conflicts and make change from the bottom up. You can do that. Yes you can … because in this moment, history is on the move.

But these things can only be done if all of you take responsibility for your future. And it won’t be easy. It will take time and effort. There will be suffering and setbacks. But I can promise you this: America will be with you every step of the way — as a partner, as a friend. Opportunity won’t come from any other place, though. It must come from the decisions that all of you make, the things that you do, the hope that you hold in your heart.

Ghana, freedom is your inheritance. Now, it is your responsibility to build upon freedom’s foundation. And if you do, we will look back years from now to places like Accra and say this was the time when the promise was realized; this was the moment when prosperity was forged, when pain was overcome, and a new era of progress began. This can be the time when we witness the triumph of justice once more. Yes we can. Thank you very much. God bless you. Thank you.

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blogman on July 7th, 2009

There is something intrinsically immoral and debasing about state sanctioned taking of human life in the name of justice. Capital punishment presupposes infallibility on the part of the state, and certainty of guilt on the part of the convict. In documenting and presenting information in cases involving capital punishment, the news media often tend to subliminally stoke public anger and sense of societal revulsion against the defendant, thus attracting and sustaining interest in the news. Often therefore this societal yarn for justice forms the raison d’être for most convictions, and preys into our primordial animal “rush” of intrigue and excitement at the thought of a “deserved justice for the criminal”. Societal vengeance therefore remains the most compelling reason for retaining a practice which originated in the dark ages, and the continued practice of which had been proven ineffective at deterrence.

Research after research proves that thorough justice (which should prevent recurrence) is lost in these state sanctioned executions because, in some of these cases, the state zealously and sometimes deviously seeks to convict and mostly rely on mob logic in determining guilt. If the public agrees in the guilty verdict, then the verdict must be right; but, history teaches us that a nation of millions of people can be wrong on a particular issue. As the human family advances in knowledge and in understanding of ourselves as humans, and our position in the earth, capital punishment is increasingly being linked with barbarism. The aims of societal sense of decency must be pursued with greater zeal if we must successfully reverse course; there has to be a better and less debasing path to justice. This article does not call for anarchy nor does it call for a blanket exoneration of the guilty. It simply raises issues of societal decency which are impugned by the application of state sponsored murder. The case against the death penalty is also bolstered by recent developments, whereby previously convicted “murderers” where exonerated by the new science based evidence of DNA. These exonerations were recorded in developed countries with high levels of technologies, and methodologies for capital punishment trials, thus showing that even such judicial systems are not infallible. The urgency of revisiting the implementation of capital punishment in a developing country like Nigeria therefore cannot be overemphasized.

In the United States, a total of 200 people had been exonerated by April 2007 using DNA evidence. The first inmate to be exonerated was David Vasquez who was convicted in 1984 for the rape and murder of a young woman in Arlington Virginia. Vasquez had confessed to the crime and was convicted and sentenced to 35 years in prison. He had spent 5 years in prison when he was exonerated in 1989. Of the 200 who were subsequently cleared, all had spent an average of 12 years before exoneration by DNA evidence. Eighty-eight (88%) percent were convicted of sexual assault; 28 percent of murder. Fourteen were on death row. Since the Vasquez exoneration, increasing numbers of convictions have been determined to be erroneous, and common methods of gathering evidence including confessions and eye witnesses are coming under closer scrutiny. In the 200 cases, it was discovered that often more than one factor led to the convictions. According to the New York Times: “Three-quarters were marked by inaccurate eyewitness identification, and in two-thirds, there were mistakes or other problems with the forensic science. Fifteen percent featured testimony by informants at odds with the later evidence. There were confessions or admissions in about 25 percent of the cases. In about 4 percent, the people had pleaded guilty.” See pictures of exonerated convicts here

The most disturbing point of these exonerations is that a solid 29 percent admitted guilt when in fact they were innocent. That goes to show that the methods for extracting confessions and gathering of evidence, which are fairly similar in most law enforcement systems of the world are seriously flawed and as such cannot be trusted with issues of life and death which the capital punishment trials represent. In a third world country like Nigeria, this assumes even a more disturbing dimension. Amnesty International, the global human rights watchdog has consistently listed Nigeria as having one of the most repressive judicial systems in the world. Extra judicial killings of crime suspects by the Nigerian security have been recorded by civil rights groups in Nigeria.

In Africa and the world, several countries have abolished, or are on the path to abolishing the death penalty. These include: the European Union, Canada, Mexico, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, Rwanda, Ivory Coast, Liberia, Senegal, Mozambique, Angola, Namibia, Central American nations, Paraguay and Uruguay. Many other nations in Africa and the world including Russia and the old Soviet republics have in practice stopped executions and hopes are rising that such nations would eventually stop the barbarian practice. It is instructive that the African nations which retain capital punishment are some of the most repressive regimes: Cameroun, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Egypt, Libya, Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, Eritrea, Lesotho, Botswana, Zambia, Zimbabwe, Uganda, Tanzania, Guinea and Sierra Leone. Nigeria should be embarrassed to be equally yoked with these nations in the practice of judicial murder.

Even in developed nations still grappling with capital punishment, the tide is gradually shifting to the side of abolition. In the United States for instance, murder trials have been severally reformed to stamp out errors in convictions, and many states are currently reviewing their capital punishment statutes. Murder trials in Nigeria have remained essentially the same since independence from Great Britain in 1960. Murder trails in the Nigerian context still cannot be said to meet modern standards of justice because judges still base most of their judgments on societal sentiments; they tend to be beholden to the “moral sway” of society. Though the forensic science infrastructure of the Nigerian police has been improved a lot, other evidence gathering and presentation mechanisms are still hindered by the general lack of infrastructural and training facilities in Nigeria. While the Nigerian police might need huge resources to aid crime detection and evidence management, the Nigerian judiciary needs massive reforms and a complete reorientation to meet the challenges of modern dispensation of justice.

These challenges cannot be met overnight; but while we grapple with them, innocent citizens are being convicted and sentenced to death. The Nigerian prison population is comparatively low; standing at about 46,000 inmates out of a population of 150 million Nigerians (some nations of the west have about 1% of their population in jail). The result is that murder convicts spend years and sometimes decades in death row. The delay in executions is also caused by the increasing scarcity of executioners in the Nigerian prisons systems. In other words, the global campaign against judicial murder may be gaining some foothold in Nigeria already, and that is good. However, this adds to the already existing problem of congestion in the Nigerian prison system, with some prisons housing four times the planned prisoner population. Some convicted prisoners have died in prison before their scheduled executions. In light of this reality, there is no doubt that innocent convicts must have been executed in Nigeria.

Our duty as a society is to ensure that our laws work and that our humanity is not debased even as we pursue justice. There are no scientific proofs showing that capital punishment deters violent crimes which lead to murder. Often the perpetrators of these crime act out of passion which has nothing to do with logical thought and sound premeditation. That is why in nations with capital punishment, incidents of violent crime and murder persist and sometimes surpass those of societies without capital punishment laws. Even in the United States, violent crimes occur mostly in states with capital punishment laws.

Nigeria is a leading nation in Africa and our laws must not lag behind those of nations we ought to be leading. Much of our current laws are impositions from military dictatorships of the past. Modernizing the Nigerian society should be one of the dividends of democracy, and the challenge should be our collective responsibility as a nation. What we urgently need in Nigeria is the construction of more prisons as well as the modernization and reform of our institutions of justice. There should be an immediate moratorium on executions in Nigeria.


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blogman on June 29th, 2009

There is a persisting but fundamental disconnect between the political views of leading politicians and policy makers from Northern Nigeria on the one hand, and those from the South on the other hand. The disagreements are beginning to assume increased dichotomous and nagging patterns, and considering the history of Nigeria, it is time for true patriots to speak up. What is most worrisome is the neo-Orwellian construct which some clever but unpatriotic revisionists are trying to design, smuggle in and consolidate into accepted norms of our national code of conduct. This design constitutes a self deceiving ruse, and is being packaged and bulldozed upon the national psyche as the truth; luckily for the country, Nigerians are becoming increasingly interested in the way the country is being run, and are thus beginning to ask some hard questions. Nigerians are also starting to see an invidious pattern; a pattern whereby a section of the country garners all the juicy federal appointments to the near total exclusion of other sections; in a country of 150 million, 250 ethnic groups, and at least 5 viable nationalities. The issue now transcends party affiliation, and creates an unprecedented scenario whereby cries of marginalization are coming from within the ruling party. Never before in Nigeria had a ruling party –which was formed as a broad based national movement- been completely hijacked by a section of the country openly pushing a sectional agenda.

Again, bearing in mind that the same North has been ruling Nigeria since independence and  not moved the country forward; is there any sense in it continuing to hold onto power this way? After almost 50 years of independent nationhood, Nigeria is still not able to perform the most basic functions of a responsible nation state. Yet, elements in Northern Nigeria find wisdom in cornering and holding all key positions of responsibility. In light of the open incompetence of the North in running the affairs of Nigeria, and the similarly egregious violation of the Federal Character laws -which the North put in place originally to forestall similar actions by other sections against it – by rapaciously garnering all sensitive Federal appointments; the North must urgently revisit these appointments in the interest of Nigeria.

The abrasive mien of this issue demands urgent action, and this fact could be attested to by the statements from the Southern Senators Forum (SSF). Rising from a meeting on June 24, 2009, the Southern Senators released a statement observing that the Federal government of Umaru Musa Yar adua is increasingly sectional and openly marginalizing the entire Southern Nigeria. Senator Patrick Osakwe who spoke on behalf of the Southern senators also singled out the military campaigns in the Niger Delta where the Nigerian military have used heavy weapons against fellow Nigerians. The senators further warned that the problem of militancy in the region could only be resolved by peaceful means through addressing the issues of true federalism and environmental degradation of the region. The senators were particularly irked by the massive “Northernisation” of key Federal positions. They also observed the non-renewal of the ex Central Bank of Nigeria (CBN) Governor’s mandate, and noted that the ex-CBN boss was a victim of sectionalism. The senators made some specific statements which should serve as an ominous warning to the leadership of the nation:

“If Soludo were not a Southerner there is no doubt that he would have had a second term and that was one of the examples of the marginalisation raised”;

“We cannot continue with this kind of injustice and that was the tone of the meeting. In fact, justice and marginalisation were the main issues discussed at the meeting’’;

“Why should one zone have seven states and another one have five states?’’
The most interesting point of note in the SSF position is that most of its members belong to the ruling Peoples Democratic Party (PDP). The question then arises; how come these appointments were made without consideration for the political views and inputs of these Southern Senators? Why are they lamenting and seem as powerless as ordinary Nigerians? How could the PDP marginalize the whole South and yet, the Chairman of the party and the Speaker of the House of Representatives are both Southerners?

To successfully address these questions, we must revisit statements of positions from Northern members of the ruling PDP. As elaborately discussed in my last article “ Nigerian quagmire: the only way forward”, Senator Jubril Aminu was quoted in the Sun Newspapers as stating that unitary system of government is the best system for Nigeria. He stated without equivocation that he and others like himself would work until Nigeria becomes a unitary state. Jubril Aminu is not an ordinary Northerner and could be accurately categorized as a thoroughbred Northern political opinion leader. Careless observers of the Nigerian political space could be dismissive of Aminu’s views about the future of Nigeria, but that would be a great mistake because Aminu is also a chieftain of the ruling PDP! Take the statements by Alhaji Sule Lamido, Nigeria’s former Minister of External Affairs and current Governor of Jigawa State for instance. Lamido was quoted after a meeting with the PDP chairman Ogbulafor in Abuja,

“Our duty as a political party is to crush them. My duty in PDP and as a party man is to go and destroy our opponents; that’s my duty. A party is different from a government. The first commitment in joining a party is to go into election and win. We enter into the contest for the purpose of winning the election. I have no business to go into a Mosque or a Church to pray for the victory of ANPP, AC or any other party. You don’t form a party for the purposes of going to election to loose. The purpose of forming a party is to win peoples confidence and respect; to gain authority and power to lead them. You don’t go to election and say, after 50 years, I will hand over power to the opponents. You don’t say a thing like that. PDP will keep on contesting and winning every election from now till eternity. I have no apology for my statements over our stay in power. We will stay for ever because the other political parties are crying.
I have no apologies for demolishing smaller parties. I will continue to do that. I shall do that and I will not stop. That is my commitment to the party and I have no regrets over that.”

There are several faulty premises of the Lamido logic and what that logic portends for the future of Nigeria as a country. For someone who held the portfolio of the chief Minister of External Affairs of the Federal Republic, those statements are unfortunate indeed! The Lamido political doctrine is completely anti-democratic and almost totalitarian. The “Party” Lamido envisages is not only implicitly superior to the Nigerian state –whose constitution calls for multiparty political system- but makes no apologies for the illegal emasculation and decimation of opposition parties by hook or crook. To Lamido, there is a “party based civil war” raging in Nigeria and all is fair in this war provided the PDP emerges victorious at the end. Why could this be equated with totalitarianism or even fascism? Well, the opposition in Nigeria is currently in disarray due to constant rigging of elections and stealing of the citizen mandate by the PDP. If the ruling party steals the elections long enough, the opposition would soon become unviable, thereby leaving the entire political space for one party. Why is this scenario dangerous? The current cries of marginalization are not coming from the opposition; the cries are coming from within the ruling PDP. In order words, the PDP has successfully seized the national political space, but elements within the party have seized the national assets for sectional reasons and are excluding other sections of the country inside the party. It should concern every Nigerian because a civil war within the PDP could easily become a civil war for the country! Why are the few party officials and even the elected representatives powerless about the situation?

They are powerless because they were NEVER elected by their peoples in the first place, but where instead imposed through rigging of elections by the PDP. A philosophical saying recommends that anyone going for equity must approach with clean hands, and none of these PDP Senators and so-called party men and women could boast of clean hands. Not withstanding the illegitimacy of these “elected” national assembly members, their views on this issue accurately reflect popular opinions from the south. That is why patriotic Nigerians must strongly resist the undemocratic impositions of elected officials on Nigerians. We must realize that the nation has been captured by some of the most unscrupulous and unpatriotic set of Nigerians ever recorded in Nigeria’s political history. Nigerians must collectively rise up to “shout down” and reject the views of Aminu and Lamido that Nigeria is a unitary state, and that the PDP must win elections at all costs. The current Constitution states clearly that Nigeria is a Federal State, but stops short of empowering the federating units adequately. The ongoing constitutional amendments should be expedited and concluded to provide that empowerment for the units and enable the nation form a stable platform upon which to build Nigeria’s greatness.

The most destructive aspect of the redesigning of the political space to give undue advantage to the North is that the North have proven for about 40 years that it could not provide effective leadership to the nation. The on-going low level insurrection in the Niger Delta, stem from years of negligence of that vital region by the Northern controlled Federal governments. Nigeria should be redesigned for effective leadership. There was a time in Nigeria when a Hausa man was the Mayor of Enugu the capital of the then Eastern Region. All available information indicates that he did a great job. This could be the case because he was not elected Mayor based on his tribe, but was elected on the basis of his administrative competence. The old Nigerian political and administrative culture gave room for competence even as we struggled with the challenges of unity.

Nigeria was able to achieve much by allowing the institutions of democracy and the national Constitution to lead the way. My vision for Nigeria is for the country to achieve even development from Sokoto to Lagos and from Borno to Cross River. That can only be achieved if the best Nigerians are recruited from any parts of the country to work in any parts of the country. Damaturu should look like any other Nigerian city, not just a semi-arid northern Nigerian city. A Nigerian should be free to live and work in any part of the country without fear of religious extremism and incessant riots. Obnoxious laws which fuel embers of ethnic and religious divisions should be scrapped from the statute books. Federal Character laws should be used for defending our sense of unity, but fair application of justice in appointments (competence based appointments) and resource allocations should be used as instruments of accelerated growth. Nigeria is lagging behind many African countries in development.

When we properly structure and design such a just and fair society, Nigeria’s indivisibility will become self evident.

Okechukwu writes from Chicago USA

okechukwugregory@yahoo.com

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blogman on June 20th, 2009

Nigeria vs Tunisia (An Overview)

If you ever doubted that God is a Nigerian and happened to watch today’s (June 20, 2009) match between Nigeria and Tunisia, your doubts should be gone by now. God is a Nigerian! That is the only reason the Super Eagles managed to secure a draw against the Carthage Eagles of Tunisia today.
To be fair to the boys, they played their hearts out and gave their all; but, the Nigerian team was somewhat technically deficient. It appeared as if the Tunisians did a better technical job on Nigeria than we did on them. They dominated the offense almost throughout the entire game; created countless scoring chances; and were quite unlucky at least twice not to convert their dangerous crosses.
The first five minutes of the game was testy for the Nigerian team and the Tunisians mounted coordinated attacks which somehow did not result in a goal. The Super Eagles played for survival for the next ten minutes with the defensive midfielders (Seyi Olofinjana, Kalu Uche, and Obi Mikel) clearly failing to disrupt the Tunisian build up of rapid offensive ring in front of the Super Eagles eighteen yard box. There was also an apparent lack of cohesion between the Nigerian defensive midfielders and the attacking midfielders which enabled the Tunisians to have room for supplying their main attacker (Ali Zitouni, 9) almost freely. Conversely, the Nigerian attackers (Ike Uche, Obinna Nsofor) were effectively cut off and could only manage to possess a few balls which they stumbled upon by themselves. There was no quality supply to either Ike Uche or Nsofor Obinna throughout the first half. The poor cohesion between the Nigerian defensive and offensive midfields adversely affected the confidence of Osaze Odemwingie in making quality runs and creating good passes to the Nigerian attackers.
The Nigerian defense remained under constant pressure, and it took the ingenuity of goal keeper Vincent Enyeama and defenders Dele Adeleye, Joseph Yobo, and a much improved Taye Taiwo to keep the score goalless at half time. Obi Mikel was not much helpful and could have played better on the day but I suspect he may have played according to the instructions of the coaching crew. The Super Eagles conceded too many free kicks near the eighteen yard box; they also conceded too many corner kicks for such a very important match.
On resumption after the halftime break, we had hoped that the coaches would introduce Kanu immediately. That did not happen until after twenty minutes of the second half. The introduction of Michael Eneramo and Nwankwo Kanu improved the structure a little, with Osaze Odemwingie having more quality balls to run with. Ike Uche should have stayed in the game while Mikel should have been removed. Somehow, it seemed as if Olofinjana and Mikel were redundant in the midfield.

Overall:
The game was testy for both teams technically and psychologically; the challenge for the coaching crew was to figure out which was needed more. We think the psychological aspect of the game proved more important at the end. It was obvious that the Tunisians played with too much confidence at the beginning of the match. The Nigerian midfield should have shaken that Tunisian confidence had Kanu Nwankwo started, or was introduced at the beginning of the second half. At either starting halves, Ike Uche and the rest of the attackers were still fresh and hungry for quality passes. If the Tunisians saw a more purposeful and dangerous Nigerian midfield, they would have been psychologically stressed, and be forced to play more defensively. Super Eagles could have built on the psychological advantage by the later part of the second half. The Tunisian defense was neither seriously threatened nor tested by the second half and almost went on complete holiday by the twenty-fifth minute of the second half. It was obvious that the Nigerian attackers were more dangerous whenever they got the ball near the Tunisian half, but such chances were too few.
We congratulate the boys for putting up a brave fight and going home with a draw. Technically we are still in with a chance, provided we win the rest of our matches both home and away. Now is the time for real technical planning to begin ahead of the return leg in Abuja. This Tunisian team seems ready and balanced to give us a fight in our backyard, so Nigeria should watch out! Nigeria should start serious planning now. We thank God for his mercies today!

Nigeria full squad:
Vincent Enyeama, Austin Ejide, Dele Aiyenugba, Onyekachi Apam, Yusuf Mohammed, Joseph Yobo, Danny Shittu, Obinna Nwaneri, Taye Taiwo, Elderson Echiejile, Dele Adeleye, Olubayo Adefemi, John Mikel Obi, Sani Kaita, Seyi Olofinjana, Kalu Uche, Oluwafemi Ajilore, Dickson Etuhu, Nwankwo Kanu, Osaze Odemwingie, Obinna Nsofor, Ikechukwu Uche, Joseph Akpala.

Tunisia full squad:

Hamdi Kasraoui, Aymen Matthlouthi, Jassem Khaloufi, Radhi Jaidi, Sami Allagui, Aymen Abdennour, Tijani Belaid, Fahd Ben Khalfallah, Wissem Ben Yahia, Anis Boussaidi, Amine Chermiti, Oussama Darragi, Radhouane Felhi, Seif Ghezel, Karim Hagui, Chadi Hammami, Bilel Ifaa, Ammar Jmel, Khaled Korbi, Houcine Ragued, Khaled Souissi, Ali Zitouni.

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blogman on June 16th, 2009

(By Gregory Okechukwu)
It is one thing for the common man in Nigeria -by that definition we mean those who never held any posts or positions of significance at the federal level – to lament the state of things in Nigeria; occasionally pouring imprecations on the founders and rulers of Nigeria. It is a completely different thing for well educated Nigerians who held positions of responsibility at the federal level to lament the nation as currently constituted. The country has been a graveyard of the “masses” from independence, through the years of military rule to the current civilian government. This is understandably so because there has never been a serious national movement which designed a truly united and people oriented system of government since independence from the British. Nigeria, by every indication is still a nation under a system of colonization; none of the key institutions of colonization was effectively dismantled after the exit of the British. What happened was that the “inheritors” of the colony (this time chosen internally) were simply handed the reins of power. Nothing was reformed, or created anew. Even the common law system was left intact and the security apparatus still retain a colonial structure and mindset. The only thing that changed was that the British packed and left Nigeria. Everything else remains the same. Through the years, Nigerian leadership has been tossed from one click to the other, all within the confines of the “internal colonialists”; each government ushers itself in by rolling out long lists of populist programs and agenda, all in attempt to woo, and deceive Nigerians, but subsequently capture and loot the treasury. However, the treasury looting part is just a by-product of the entire exercise and not necessarily the prime motive. The prime motive has always been to keep power in certain parts of Nigeria and to deny same from other parts. Operators of political conservatism in Nigeria – a caricature of true political conservatism in other parts of the world- devise ultra-revisionist strategies to deceive the nation and buy time. What they fail or refuse to understand is that truth is immortal. Unfortunately for the 150 million Nigerians, humans are mortal, hence the need for urgency in arresting the lies and enforcing the truth in the nick of time. Else no Nigerian will remain alive by the time truth prevails. In light of this need to save the truth, it is the patriotic duty of every Nigerian to rise and defend the nation against agents who make a political career out of mass deception.

In an interview with the daily Sun Newspapers, Alhaji Jubril Aminu was quoted as saying that ordinary Nigerians support the unitary system of government than the current federal system.

Sun Newspaper: But the submission of some people is that, if you give local government elections to INEC, you undermine federalism?

Aminu: No, you don’t undermine any federalism. But if you like, you can talk about federalism, but ordinary Nigerians do not like federalism, they prefer a very strong central government, unitary system which I have advocated and I might not live to see it, but I know that we are going to get there. This country will get to a unitary system.

It is important to highlight Aminu’s response by, and to juxtapose it with the feet dragging of the current government (executive and legislature) to the issues of constitutional amendment and true federalism. This is the most enlightening information coming out of the ruling northern oligarchy since the end of the civil war. Jubril Aminu epitomizes Hausa Fulani power in its rawest and most unapologetic form; here he informs the nation –probably for the first and only time- that northern Nigerian power brokers will never rest until the whole country becomes a unitary state. This sharply contrasts with all the posturing concerning constitutional amendments by several northern controlled or installed government (Obasanjo’s for instance). This statement says in clear terms, that northern leaders have never been sincere about true federalism and constitution amendments to institutionalize true federalism in Nigeria. Perhaps we needed such a direct information from the north to helps us better understand the issues at play. Perhaps now we can see why the Niger delta military offensive is being prosecuted with such ferocity. We can understand why there is no serious offer of dialogue on the table. In fact the Niger delta struggle is more important than a lot of Nigerians know…

Nigeria as currently constituted is overburdened with contradictions making good governance and leadership next to impossible at the center. There is something disturbing about a situation whereby a leading northern politician thinks that the nation is unitary, while almost every progressive element both in the north and south of the country thinks the future lies with true federalism. It will be next to impossible to find a leading southern politician who thinks the nation is best served by a unitary system. If anything, leading politicians in the south think that the future of Nigeria will be true federalism, outright confederation or complete dissolution. Simple rationality dictates that when a system is not serving the interests of a nation, the system is changed or replaced with a better one. There is overwhelming evidence that the current system is intrinsically dysfunctional; yet, the current system is more unitary than at any other time in Nigeria’s nearly 50 years of independence. So why will a thoroughly educated Nigerian think that the nation is best served by such an intrinsically flawed system? Is there any rational basis or scenario whereby such a Nigerian could be patriotic? Could the current system be really good for the country?

Prof Mariam Ikejiani Clerk states in unequivocal terms that Nigeria is a failed state. While delivering a lecture at the Chamber of Commerce, Industry Mines and Agriculture in Onitsha, Prof Clerk said; “We have a classical case of a non-functional state. Nigeria cannot even refine its oil. Nigeria is not functioning,” The country had failed to live up to the expectations of a modern state, having been crippled by corruption, politics of patronage and collapse of basic infrastructure. In the same lecture, she lambasted a system which could not successfully conduct a simple bye-election in wards of a state. She describes the Ekiti elections as a shame of a nation. She concluded that any talk of creating a truly functional state must begin with the people of the country sitting down to discuss how they want to form a union and how much stakes each member holds in the union.

At 50, most nations of the world have laid down solid foundations of nationhood and are moving into the next phase which is usually the phase of consolidation. The next phase as evidenced in India, Malasia, Israel and Singapore, is when such properly constituted nations start operating at the fringes of economic revolution. They start exporting highly technical products and machines. They churn out highly skilled workforce some of who set up outsource companies serving the needs of first world economies. Their economies grow at double digit rates and are not commodity dependent. They maintain huge and sustainable foreign exchange reserves which they actually lend out to first world economies. Their institutions are manned by the best and nothing but the but best; not the most politically expedient.

Contrast that with the Nigeria at 50, where the ruling party is scheming to “capture” more states even as it has failed to provide effective leadership to the nation for 10 years. In fact the ruling party is planning to rule (irrespective of peoples will or votes) for the next 60 years. In Nigeria, a well educated, smart, hardworking and highly ambitious Central Bank Governor is replaced in the middle of a global economic meltdown, in order to satisfy sectional interests. The nation is still in darkness from failure to revolutionalize power generation and distribution. A quiet but potent insurgency is going on in a part of the country; the bone of contention? An issue which the ruling power –as evidenced by Aminu’s statements- denies its existence.

One of the leaders of the fragmented opposition has said that with the way the People Democratic Party (PDP) is carrying on, only a military coup can free the nation from the stranglehold of the PDP. That statement should be condemned because that is what led to the first military coup of January 1966. The same call (after the NPN rigging during the 1983 elections) led to the military coup of December 1983. That call, therefore signals a dangerous decent of the civil society to lawlessness, as a direct result of the PDP style of leadership. However, the call is likely to go louder as the PDP continues to choke the political space. History has shown that democracy can only be sustained when there is a viable opposition. In fact it should be in the interest of the ruling party for the opposition to be robust and viable. Opposition gives vibrancy to the political process and offers a steady voice to dissent. Even some PDP chieftains understand the need for dissension in building a sustainable democratic culture, and lamented the open rigging that marked the Ekiti elections.

The PDP agenda of seizing the entire political space seems to echo the views of Aminu who is an open advocate of unitary system for a nation of 150 million with at least 5 viable nationalities. It is time that lovers of peace and democracy prevail upon the PDP and the current government, to spare Nigeria a predictable conflict which can engulf the entire West African sub-region. Already the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta has intensified its attacks on oil installations and vow to bring Nigeria’s oil export to zero. The Nigerian military on the other hand has vowed to “crush the militants”, thereby setting the stage for a conflagration. The only certainty coming out of both threats is increase in civilian deaths and environmental degradation caused my bombings and blowing up of oil pipelines.

There are sane alternatives to these and Nigerians know better. We as a nation can rise above the unreasonable belligerency, to seek a more perfect union through the pursuit of peace and justice. We as Nigerians need to sit down and talk.

(okechukwugregory@yahoo.com)
Chicago, IL USA

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blogman on June 12th, 2009

Greg Okechukwu
okechukwugregory@yahoo.com

“We have been saying it; Nigeria is not one country. Well, yes, I know that, but I have been trying to say, since Lord Lugard in 1914 amalgamated us, and we have gone thus far, let us try to make it work, so that we can continue together. But with what happened in Jos in 2001 and the most recent one, I have my doubts that Nigeria is one. So, if we want to continue as one geographical entity, called Nigeria, then we have to change our present system of government completely. …
We are not a nation. Nigeria is not a nation. It is a country, made up of many nations. The Yoruba is a nation. The Hausa is a nation. The Fulani is a nation. The Gwari is a nation. The Edo is a nation. The Igbo is a nation – so many nations! But when they put all of us together; we become a country, made up of many nations.”
–Bishop Emmanuel Bolanle Gbonigi (Sun Newspapers Tuesday, December 30, 2008)

It is confounding and often depressing that Nigeria’s unity is currently most threatened by those who have trumpeted its essence in national development for years. Realistically speaking, not a few Nigerians think that Nigeria is not a nation yet and that a whole lot needs to be in place before nationhood could reasonably be conferred on Nigeria. Nationhood is a product of nature or of shared sets of values. To understand both flares of nationhood, it is necessary to visit some definitions.
The online dictionary –dictionary.com- defines a nation as:
“A large body of people associated with a particular territory, that is sufficiently conscious of its unity to seek or to possess a government peculiarly its own.”
An alternate definition according to the same dictionary is:
“An aggregation of persons of the same ethnic family, often speaking the same language or cognate languages.”
Chambers dictionary defines a nation-state as:
“A form of political organization under which a relatively homogeneous people inhabits a sovereign state; especially: a state containing one as opposed to several nationalities”.

From both dictionaries, it is quite clear that a nation is best formed by peoples of homogenous culture, ethnicity or language. However, those requirements of nationhood could be contrived by erecting solid institutions which create, defend and sustain the spirit of unity, loyalty and fidelity to the contrived nation. The institutions so created must thus reflect, protect and advance the fair interests of component members of the new nation. The United States is one of such nations, and whenever a new citizen is being sworn in, the ceremony includes an elaborate initiation and orientation of the new citizen to the core American sets of ideals. What are those ideals? The ideals are that the United States is not a nation based on family, blood relationship or ethnic homogeneity, but one founded upon shared brotherhood –a spirit of “I am my brother’s keeper”. It is a nation founded on unity born out of love and care for one’s neighbor. Those values have been enshrined in the timeless institution known as the Constitution of the United States. The US Constitution has undergone many amendments as the country continuously seeks ways to make the union more perfect and in complete alignment which the intents of the founders. Note that the guiding light for the US Constitution is the shared sets of ideals and not the other way round. All laws, judgments and statutes seek to achieve those ideals. Like all things human, it is not a perfect document, but all efforts are being honestly made to align the country with the ideals of the founders.
In creating the Nigerian Constitution, the founding fathers, cognizant of the nature of our union, attempted to create an institution which insures the unity of the country. Some of the provisions constitute a set of lowest minimums for our nation. They are not intended to be the norm, but rather a last resort provision. These minimums are currently enshrined in Section 14, subsection (3) of the 1999 Constitution, which states:
“The composition of the Government of the Federation or any of its agencies and the conduct of its affairs shall be carried out in such a manner as to reflect the federal character of Nigeria and the need to promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty, thereby ensuring that there shall be no predominance of persons from a few States or from a few ethnic or other sectional groups in that Government or any of its agencies.”
Armed with those words, we can say, without any fear of contradiction, that the current Federal Government of Nigeria is not properly constituted. It should offend the sense of patriotism and decency of any Nigerian, that the current government is constituted with brazen contempt for a key provision of the constitution. All key posts and offices of the Federal Government are being manned by Nigerians from one geopolitical zone: the Secretary to the Government of the Federation (SGF) Yayale Ahmed; Finance Minister, Mansur Mukhtar; Central Bank Governor, Sanusi Sanusi, Yar’Adua’s Chief Economic Adviser, Tanimu Yakubu Kurfi; Minister of National Planning, Shamsudeen Usman; Minister of Petroleum Resources, Rilwanu Lukman; and Group Managing Director of the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC), Mohammed Barkindo are all Hausa/Fulanis from the Northwest Zone of the country.
The federal character provision aims to achieve a simple but sensitive objective –“promote national unity, and also to command national loyalty”. As a culturally and linguistically heterogeneous country, Nigeria can only survive by ensuring the preservation of unity and loyalty of component members of the Nigerian union.

The Nigerian Constitution aims to achieve same objective. The Constitution –a clone and recycle of the 1979 and earlier constitutions- recognizes that a heterogeneous country can only survive by instituting a shared sense of destiny and a collective responsibility. The words “shared sense” have been italicized for emphasis because it is important to understand that these laws are not chiseled in stones and can be occasionally relegated, provided that what is achieved in exchange commands national acclaim and support. An example is the Nigerian national football team –the Super Eagles. Overwhelming majority of Nigerians would rather have a winning Super Eagles team, irrespective of geopolitical origins of the players, than a losing team which reflects the federal character. Moreover, as a developing country, it is sensible to occasionally relegate this provision, in order to appoint highly competent people to positions of national emergency. This relegation should be the prerogative of the executive who makes the call based on clearly identified national interest and clear competence of persons being so appointed. Another similar example is the appointment of Dr Ngozi Okonjo-Iweala by the Obasanjo administration. To her and the Obasanjo administration’s credit, Nigeria emerged out of decades of debt which previous governments failed to solve. Her appointment was at a time the Central Bank of Nigeria Governor was from the same geopolitical zone, but it achieved a specific national objective –freeing the country from shackles of foreign debt. Nigeria is today a nation with little or no foreign debt and a huge foreign exchange reserve. The federal character provision of the Nigerian Constitution is intended to be the minimum; a final guard of our unity. This means that all other avenues for fairness must necessarily be exhausted before it is used as a criterion for appointment to federal positions. In other words, the unity of the country should at all times be the overriding consideration in the conduct of the Federal Government business or the business of any entity which come under the influence of the Nigerian Constitution. The intent of the provision is supposed to work hand in gloves with the intent of whole constitution. It is a controversial law, but one which comes handy occasionally especially when the nation is under the leadership of a sectional minded person. In both examples where federal character was relegated, majority of Nigerians benefitted and our sense of unity was not threatened.
Yet another potential example –if it ever comes to fruition- is the performance of Governor Babatunde Fashola of Lagos State. Majority of Nigerians living in Lagos State cheer the performance of the Governor with some commentators even calling on him to run for the Presidency of the country in 2011. An opinion poll research based on Lagos State suggested that Nigerians would elect Fashola as their President in a free and fair election irrespective of the north-south rotation arrangement in the Constitution. This could happen and yet our national unity would not be threatened in any way.

Therefore, competence is the only condition under which Nigerians could forget about the federal character law; and this is because majority of Nigerian benefit and our sense of collective ownership and responsibility preserved. This preceding point then begs the following questions:
Can the Yar adua administration convince Nigerians that all the positions enumerated above are being manned by the most competent Nigerians?
What are the objectives of national emergency which trigger appointment of all key federal government positions from one geopolitical zone?
What special qualifications do these appointees possess which convince Nigerians from all zones that a sense of national unity is still preserved by their appointments?
The Yar adua administration is openly and unapologetically disregarding the spirit of national unity and this brings up the statement by Alhaji Adamu Song of the PPA. While reflecting on the attitude of the Arewa Consultative Forum (ACF) to the issues of national unity and cohesion, Song said,
“ACF is expected to unite not only the North, but also Nigeria as a whole. Because if we say we are the political elder brother in partnership, then, we should show the maturity of being the elder brother.”
Alhaji Adamu Song (PPA chieftain) Nigerian Tribute August 13 2008
The statement is an admission by a northern political leader that the ACF and by extension the current northern dominated Federal Government, is not practicing political maturity with the leadership of the nation.

The Nigerian union is already being threatened by a low level insurgency in the Niger Delta. How sensible is it to further burden the conscience of the nation with these egregiously skewed and sectional federal appointments?

Okechukwu lives in Chicago, USA

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henry on June 5th, 2009

Defusing the diesel time-bomb in Lagos Nigeria

By Henry Okeke

There can be no better time for the Nigerian and Lagos State governments to conduct a study on the cumulative environmental impact of diesel consumption in Lagos. Fortunately, the required study is not expensive and can be quite expository as Nigeria designs the socio-economic infrastructure of the future. Paradoxically, the prognosis for success has been greatly improved by the fact that Nigeria is still a lightly industrialized nation. This is so because the intensity of pollution is more with heavier industries than with light ones. Currently, the greatest sources of diesel pollution in Lagos are: diesel powered electricity generating sets; container trucks and trailers; regional and local buses; private and public automobiles; ships and boats; and railway sources. Lagos is especially vulnerable due to its location and the role it plays in the life of the Nigerian nation. It is a city defined by huge demographic, land use and transportation characteristics. It is the transportation hub of the entire West African sub region. The city forms the primary nexus of business and employment in the Nigerian economy. A study of this nature is especially auspicious now that the Lagos State government is designing a 10 lane transportation corridor along the Badagry expressway which integrates BRT and rail metro lines. The city of Lagos in the past did not show much serious interest in sound environmental design and management. The situation seems to be gradually improving since the advent of the Governor Babatunde Fashola administration. The disposition of the current Governor to the institutions of best practices of urban planning in Lagos has become the lynchpin for immediate action on the cumulative impact of diesel pollution. Lagos’ case is however compounded by the non-existence of publicly supplied electricity leading to proliferation of private electricity generating sets, most of which run on diesel fuel. Again, from an urban planning perspective, Lagos maintains a relatively high population density which only leverages the cumulative impacts of diesel fumes for more potentially devastating consequences. For a developing country like Nigeria, the urgency of this situation may not seem clear until some facts are examined.

To effectively investigate the level of threats posed by a diesel economy to the health of inhabitants, it is necessary to review the opinions of experts. Lagos Metro Line (Future concept)

In the 2006 report titled “The Harmful Effects of Vehicle Exhaust: A Case for Policy Change, J. Wargo and L. Alderman stated:

Diesel particulate matter-PM (particulate matter equal to or less than 2.5 and 10 microns) is made up of tiny particles most of which are smaller than the width of human hair and it is especially dangerous to human health.

Diesel exhaust emitted from all the earlier mentioned sources are major contributors to toxic air contaminants in Lagos and similar places around the world. According to a report by the California Air Resources Board (CARB) of the Department of Environmental Protection, diesel exhaust contains a mixture of around 450 different chemicals and can include nitrous oxides, sulfur oxides, reactive organic gases, and carbon monoxide. Forty of these 450 chemicals are listed as toxic air contaminants by CARB. Some specifically listed by-products of diesel fumes in CARB’s inventory are:

Acetaldehyde, acrolein, aniline, antimony compounds, arsenic, benzene, beryllium compounds, biphenyl, bis[2-ethylhexyl]phthalate, 1,3-butadiene, cadmium. chlorine, chlorobenzene, chromium compounds, cobalt compounds, cresol isomers, cyanide compounds, dioxins and dibenzofurans, dibutylphthalate, ethyl benzene, formaldehyde, hexane, inorganic lead, manganese compounds, mercury compounds, methanol, methyl ethyl ketone, nickel, 4-nitobiphenyl, phenol, phosphorous, propionaldehyde, selenium compounds, styrene, toluene, xylene isomers and mixtures, o-xylenes, m-xylenes and p-xylenes and a few others.

Diesel particulates are amongst the most toxic air pollutants; it can be deeply inhaled into the lungs and can trigger or aggravate health and allergic symptoms. The small sizes of diesel particulates makes them efficient vehicles for transporting chemicals into the body. Up to 85% of the particulates remain in the lungs 24 hours after inhalation. Children are at particular risk because their lungs are still developing and they tend to play outside more. The impacts of air pollution from all the sources carry life long risks of cancer.Marina Lagos metro station (future concept)

Some of the disease conditions are lung cancer, weakened immune system, emphysema, asthma, neurological effects, cardiovascular disease, premature death, and premature birth. The resultant costs could be trillions of naira in missed productivity and school days. The seriousness of these threats is very real and constitutes a ticking time bomb. These types of information need to be brought to the attention of the Federal and State governments in Nigeria since the problem is not limited to Lagos alone. It is also not peculiar to Nigeria, though Nigeria’s has been aggravated by years of negligence or failures of Nigeria’s environmental management institutions to provide leadership, information and expertise. The same failure of leadership and provision of expertise is evident in some of the current infrastructure plans of Lagos State government.

Take the light rail metro lines for instance; there have not been enough emphasis on or consideration for the cumulative environmental impact of the new diesel powered rolling stocks on the already polluted city. This is significant because the Lagos Metropolitan Area Transport Authority (LAMATA) seems not to see the conflict of the stated objectives of the project with the facts of the cumulative impact originating from the implementation of the project. LAMATA’s stated objectives for the RED and BLUE rail lines are:

Reduce road congestion
Improve road traffic safety
Increase travel efficiency and worker productivity
Improve the quality of the environment
Improve the quality of life and social standard
Increase and spread economic activity throughout the city
Enhance to ultimate objective of multi modal passenger transport

While the trains will no doubt achieve the first and second objectives, the diesel powered rolling stocks would defeat two core objectives as stated; but it does more. Due to the centrality of the human health in the socio-economic activity of a nation, any project which undermines human health in a substantial way automatically triggers chain reactions which negatively affect the whole economy. A sick and dying population cannot drive the economy of the 21st century.

Grave as the situation may be, there are alternatives and solutions to these pollution problems. In seeking a sustainable solution, it is advisable to take a cue from other nations which have developed workable action plans to rein in pollution from diesel sources.


Solutions such as the setting of diesel engine emission specifications and benchmarks as the first strategy for reducing pollution has been initiated by the US Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). The standards were designed to run between 2007 -2010. The phasing-in of new standards for non-road sources (such as gen-sets) was initiated in 2008. All these standards target engines as small as 75 Horsepower and up to 750 Horsepower for non-road engines.

These are actions which Nigeria’s Federal Environmental Protection Agency (FEPA) should be leading in Lagos and similar places in Nigeria. There are more innovative alternatives (such as retrofitting of engines to reduce emissions) of controlling pollution from diesel sources, but those will not be discussed here. Details can be found here.

What the Lagos state government can do for now, is to be aware of the problem and then start making changes to projects still on the drawing board and in blue prints. One of such projects is the diesel powered rolling stocks of the metro lines. Metro lines in most industrialized countries run on electricity, a fact which the Lagos government must know by now. There is really an evolutionary difference in concept between transit and transportation in contemporary urban planning paradigm. The difference is mainly the energy source, in the sense that while the bus rapid transit (BRT) qualifies as a transit, the electric train is a more desirable transit system for the 21st century. As Lagos develops and evolves into a modern economy, critical land use and transportation elements must be modernized as part of the overall environmental sustainability plan for the city. In light of this desirable goal, it is counterintuitive for Lagos to plan a modern economy with an old transit infrastructure. Lagos should be planning a short term retrofit of buses under the BRT system with natural gas conversion systems to help reduce pollution from diesel sources. The longer term energy sources for these buses might be a combination of fuel cells and solar power.

Therefore, for the sake of long term environmental sustainability, the current metro line trains should be replaced now with electric rolling stocks. Lagos should further invest in electric power supply infrastructure. One fully functional electric power plant owned and operated by investors backed by the Lagos state government can cut diesel pollution in half in no time. Lagos should not try to cut corners by rolling out a diesel powered rail infrastructure. There is too much at stake and this critical infrastructure should be built on a solid foundation, ready to meet the challenges of the 21st century.

Okeke is an Urban Planner and GIS analyst

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blogman on June 3rd, 2009

The day Nigeria beat France (Also see match pictures)

Nigeria -1 France-0

If you missed the Nigeria vs France international football friendly today (Tuesday June 2, 2009), then you have never seen the Nigerian team (the Super Eagles) play football in your life; I guarantee it! The Super Eagles demonstrated to long time skeptics like myself, that they can be a world cup winning team. I never gave them much chance against France, but this team won me over completely! The last time I saw this type of a Super Eagles team – a team determined to win- was the team of the 1994 world cup. Everyone in this team was determined to win, from the goal keeper to the strikers. In this team, I saw both latent and explosive talents. Ikechukwu Uche could easily be one of the best attacking mid-fielders (8) Nigeria ever produced. This boy is a coach’s dream forward. He is as fast as lightening; he dribbles intelligently and makes “to-die-for” passes. He strikes with both legs; turns quickly, and runs at defenders with confidence and ferocity. A defender blinks and he makes him pay! He is close to the ground and cannot be easily pushed off the ball. He runs up and down the pitch, occasionally helping defenders to defend. He is a defender’s nightmare and I liken him to Lionel Messi of Argentina. Period!
The Super Eagles defenders were simply awesome too. Some of them are former Under 20 players (Siasia boys) like Olubayo Adefemi (3). Elderson Echiejile (2), Kalu Uche (16), and Dele Adeleye were simply awesome throughout!
Who says Kanu Nwankwo is a spent force?!!! The Kanu I saw was unbelievably Kanu. He provided the stability in the midfield and the occasional surgical passes which typifies Kanu- probably the most intelligent midfielder ever to put on our greens. Kanu applies economics to the leather game. He runs only when absolutely necessary, but never loses the ball. Then suddenly, he provides “out-of-this-world” defense splitting passes to overwhelm the opponents.
Vincent Enyeama is the best goalkeeper we have today. I don’t know why the debate is still raging. This guy has iced water running through his veins but is equipped with the reflexes of a panther. He saved the day countless times in this game. Perhaps the most revealing player in this game is Dele Adeleye. This guy is something else: courageous, tireless, intelligent, and basically everywhere at the back! He never gave the French a break for a second. If only Nigerian leaders possess this mission-critical mindset, we could at least have electricity!
Finally, Osaze Odemwingie! This is a Super Eagle on his own, wreaking havoc on the opponent. Osaze is a quintessential war horse. With him in this team combining with Ikechukwu Uche, any enemy defense is vulnerable, I don’t care the opponent. Good job Amodu and Amokachi; finally we have a team. Next is to beat the visiting Harambe stars on Sunday the 7th and all the remaining matches, home and away. Then we arrive the world cup fuming!

The Teams (before substitutions)

(France)
Steve Mandanda
Julien Escude
Sebastien Squillaci
Patrice Evra
Rod Fanni
Patrick Vieira
Alou Diara
Franck Riberry
Nicholas Anelka
Karim Benzema
Loic Remy
(French Coach:Raymond Domenech)

(Nigeria)
Vincent Enyeama
Sam Soje
Elderson Echiejile
Olubayo Adefemi
Dele Adeleye
Kalu Uche
Seyi Olofinjana
Nwankwo Kanu
Osaze Odemwingie
Ikechukwu Uche
Joseph Akpala
(Nigerian Coach:Amodu Shuaibu)

ikeuchel




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blogman on March 25th, 2009

Just last week, the Federal Government decided to adopt some of the provisions of the electoral reforms package doctored by the Justice Muhammadu Uwais committee. For reasons best known to him, the President decided to retain the power to appoint the Chairman of INEC. Leading newspapers and opposition parties have all voiced concerns to the effect that the nation may be about to blow yet another opportunity to entrench good governance through the restoration of the right of the citizens to freely choose their leaders. This concern is not without reason, going by the antecedents of the present PDP controlled Federal Government from 1999 to the 2007 general elections. Since the beginning of the current democratic dispensation, elements within the ruling party have continuously schemed to win elections at all costs. Ironically, most of these elements were active in the military governments which handed power to the civilians in 1999. Since we are in a free democratic society, they have the right to aspire to any office as long as they follow due process. However, that freedom does not come with the rights to continue their stranglehold on the nation. Nigeria is a developing country (unfortunately so after nearly 50 years), and as such we should necessarily be in a hurry to implement policies which unleash our true potentials. The biggest threat facing the country now is that of unbridled quest for power. A direct product of this quest for power is that the citizens lose the right to choose their leaders and ultimately have leaders imposed on them.

I appeal to our fellow compatriots in leadership positions on behalf of Nigerians, to realize that for every fair law adulterated, for every good governance measure not taken to a logical end, for every ill swept under the carpet, for every election manipulated or rigged, that Nigeria is taken back several step. That our ill equipped and seriously unprepared posterity, will have to compete on the same world arena as those of other nations in an increasingly globalized world. We beg them to note, that other African nations (including the ones which call us big brother) are fast pulling ahead of us in development. We ask them to search within their hearts and to rationalize or justify the fact that Rwanda with about 1/120th of our GDP can provide steady electricity to her citizens, while we simply washed down $16b without anything to show for it. We ask our leaders to stop and think, and to realize that to love ones’ spouse is to love oneself.

Electoral chaos introduced our first crises in 1964. The same electoral chaos led to the military take over of 1983. How can we keep repeating the same sets of blunders for 45 years and seem ready to push on for another 60 years! If we have been enjoying steady electricity supply, the citizen could point to that as a sign of great things produced by this brand of democracy. If the country is currently progressing  like the Singapore of Lee Kuang Yew, then we could argue that our brand of democracy (with election rigging in tow) works. Our democracy is not improving the lots of the majority of Nigerians. That is why we urge President Umaru Musa Yar Adua, to deliver our country from stagnation and addictive retrogression. For starters, we urge him not to stand in the way of genuine change by tweaking the Uwais committee report beyond recognition. It should be adopted AS-IS. Adopting the report will only put Nigeria on a sure path to progress. Moving a battered Nigeria forward is herculean, but patriotism always demands sacrifice.

We urge you with a deep sense of patriotism to return back to us what is constitutionally ours – our right to choose our leaders. If you do, posterity will remember you for it. Thank you.

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